They broke into cheers every time he referred to numbers or statistics. They chanted “PowerPoint! PowerPoint!” when he renewed a pledge to use the program to deliver the State of the Union.
And when the 2,500 rain-soaked supporters of Andrew Yang realized he was about to drop his biggest applause line, they screamed the words to help him finish his New York rally with a bang.
“The opposite of Donald Trump,” Mr. Yang yelled, pausing to let his fans join in, “is an Asian man who likes math!”
Though the scene at Washington Square Park last week might have seemed unusual to the uninitiated, it was emblematic of Mr. Yang’s long-shot campaign for the Democratic nomination for president. As the 44-year-old former tech executive has traveled across the country, running what he has called the “nerdiest presidential campaign in history,” he has unabashedly embraced his Taiwanese American background, as well as some of the stereotypes commonly associated with Asian-Americans.
“It’s heartwarming when people are excited to see me because they feel like I represent their community,” Mr. Yang said earlier this month in an interview at a bakery in Concord, N.H. “And I will admit that there are many Asian-Americans who are looking at me and my candidacy and want to make sure I reflect positively on the community, so I’m very aware.”
For the first time, there are three Asian-American and Pacific Islanders seeking a major party’s nomination for president: Mr. Yang, Senator Kamala Harris of California and Representative Tulsi Gabbard of Hawaii. As groundbreaking as that is, Mr. Yang in particular has embraced the largely untested strategy of using his Asian ethnicity and identity to appeal to voters nationwide.
Mr. Yang said he was proud of his background and that he hoped his blunt acknowledgment of his race — and his bold political ideas — would help him stand out, particularly in the early stages of a primary contest where the nearly two dozen Democratic hopefuls can blur together for many voters.
“When people hear from me, they say, ‘You don’t sound like any other politician,’” he said. “In a very crowded field, the person who sounds different is going to keep getting stronger and stronger.”
More than a year after he kicked off his bid for the presidency from a position of almost total obscurity, Mr. Yang’s approach to campaigning and pledge to provide a universal basic income to every American have netted him more than 100,000 donors and helped him qualify for the first Democratic debate. Though he remains something of a fringe candidate, he routinely draws thousands of people to his big-city rallies, and he has garnered support from a range of voters, including parts of the Democratic-leaning Asian-American community.
Scholars and community leaders who study Asian-American history say Mr. Yang’s emergence onto the national political scene is no accident. After decades of immigrant exclusion, second-generation Asian-Americans have come of age and grown up steeped in American politics. The 2018 midterms saw a record number of Asian-Americans run for Congress at a time when the racial group continues to expand at a faster rate than any other in the United States.
“This is absolutely a moment of importance,” John C. Yang, the president of the Washington-based arm of the nonprofit advocacy organization Asian Americans Advancing Justice, said of the three presidential candidates. “It says something about how far we have come.”
Before Bobby Jindal, the former governor of Louisiana who ran for president as a Republican during the 2016 cycle, the last viable Asian-American candidate for president was Representative Patsy Mink of Hawaii, who briefly ran for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1972.
Ms. Gabbard, the first American Samoan and first Hindu elected to Congress, has formed deep ties with Indian Americans over the course of her career. As recently as January, she wrote an Op-Ed for Religion News Service decrying the “religious bigotry” and “anti-Hindu sentiment” she said was directed at her after she announced her run for president. But on the trail, Ms. Gabbard, who served two combat tours in the Middle East, has chosen to focus mostly on her foreign policy credentials.
Mr. Yang focuses on policy as well, issuing dire warnings about job losses and arguing that ,000 a year will help blunt the impact of automation. But on a recent swing through New Hampshire, he told those who came to see him that it was O.K. if all they knew about him was that there was “an Asian man running for president who wants to give everyone ,000 a month.”
“My Asian-ness is kind of obvious in a way that might not be true of Kamala or even Tulsi,” Mr. Yang said in Concord. “That’s not a choice. It’s just a fairly evident reality.”
The way Mr. Yang has chosen to lean into stereotypes about Asian-Americans, though, has led to tension among members of the community.
John C. Yang treaded carefully when asked about the candidate’s embrace of those tropes, calling it “a very complex, difficult area.”
“We want to celebrate our successes,” he said, “but not feed into the model minority stereotype.”
That stereotype, which overgeneralizes Asians as diligent and high-achieving, traces back to a broader culture of anti-black racism in America that “helped to justify a kind of racial order,” said Ellen Wu, an associate history professor at Indiana University. In more contemporary times, she said, the stereotype is problematic because it flattens a massive group of people into a monolith.
“People who are math nerds — you can be proud of that,” Ms. Wu said. “But in some ways, leaning in on those kinds of caricatures of Asian-Americans, we run the risk of reproducing the narrow characterizations that Asian-Americans encounter in mainstream culture.”
For his part, Mr. Yang said he was “very aware of the model minority myth” and that he was simply trying to be “true to myself.”
“It would be unfortunate if you say, ‘I’m an Asian guy who likes math, thus, all Asian guys like math,’” he said. “Hopefully, people will see our community is very diverse.”
Karthick Ramakrishnan, a professor of political science at the University of California, Riverside, who went to college with Mr. Yang, said he believed the candidate was drawing on his background in part because he was “comfortable in his own skin.”
“He is trying to play up to these positive stereotypes of being capable and good with numbers, but he also has this very extroverted quality about him,” Mr. Ramakrishnan said. “He’s trying to be memorable.”
Lily Jin, a 21-year-old senior at Dartmouth College in Hanover, N.H., who went to see Mr. Yang speak there earlier this month, said she’s well aware of the stereotypes Asian-Americans encounter and thinks the concerns around Mr. Yang’s strategy are valid.
But to Ms. Jin, Mr. Yang is “addressing his identity head-on,” and also breaking the mold, by helping show young Asian-Americans that they can pursue something other than what she called the “preplanned paths” of medical or law school.
“Growing up in a household that never encouraged me to go into politics or really even vote, an important piece of this is encouraging more Asian-Americans to get involved,” she said.
Interest in Mr. Yang’s candidacy has been particularly high among younger, second-generation Asian-Americans, especially Chinese Americans like Ms. Jin. Many of his most fervent supporters are involved in the technology industry and actively promote him on social media. Some have even become enthusiastic members of the “Yang Gang,” the name given to Mr. Yang’s most devoted supporters.
Norman Qian, 20, of Flushing, Queens, said he had first become aware of Mr. Yang’s candidacy because of friends in his predominantly Asian-American neighborhood. When he looked harder at Mr. Yang’s website, he said, he found he appreciated that Mr. Yang appeared data-driven and policy-oriented.
“I really believe in his analysis of automation and how that’s going to take away jobs,” Mr. Qian said. “I also love the fact that Asian-Americans have been seeing more representation in our government, and I think Andrew Yang is at the forefront of all that.”
Research has shown that having Asian-American candidates in a campaign increases voter turnout by and donations from members of the racial group. Asian turnout increased nationwide from 27 percent in 2014 to 41 percent in 2018, a year when dozens of Asian-American or Pacific Islander candidates ran for Congress, according to one analysis.
But while Asian-Americans are steadily gaining more political power, they have not reached the point where they can propel candidates to victory on their own. Only one congressional district in the mainland United States, in Northern California, is majority Asian-American. Any viable candidate for president will, of course, need to build broad coalitions across demographic groups, experts said.
Shekar Narasimhan, the chairman of AAPI Victory Fund, a super PAC focused on mobilizing voters, projected that the continued anti-immigration rhetoric by President Trump and Republicans in Congress could help drive 1 million new Asian-Americans and Pacific Islanders to vote next November.
“I don’t know if an AAPI candidate is going to win the presidency in 2020, but we are playing a long game,” Mr. Narasimhan said. “Do I think Andrew Yang will have an influence on the race and will make a difference? I absolutely do.”B:
九龙老牌图库密码【青】【瑛】【已】【经】【不】【知】【道】【这】【是】【第】【几】【轮】【的】【攻】【击】【了】。 【那】【些】【丝】【怪】【一】【个】【接】【一】【个】【的】【涌】【上】【来】，【就】【像】【是】【没】【有】【尽】【头】【一】【般】。 【虽】【然】【她】【现】【在】【的】【体】【力】【是】【没】【有】【限】【制】【的】，【可】【这】【并】【不】【能】【避】【免】【来】【自】【心】【灵】【的】【疲】【倦】。 【那】【些】【丝】【怪】【的】【实】【力】【也】【是】【参】【差】【不】【齐】【的】，【青】【瑛】【根】【本】【就】【不】【能】【松】【懈】【下】【来】。 【最】【为】【关】【键】【的】【一】【点】，【两】【只】【丝】【怪】【并】【不】【会】【同】【时】【存】【在】【太】【长】【一】【段】【时】【间】，【这】【也】【就】【是】【说】
【慕】【珏】【感】【受】【着】【耳】【旁】【温】【热】【的】【气】【息】，【眼】【帘】【微】【垂】。 【他】【本】【来】【不】【想】【回】【答】，【但】【想】【起】【上】【回】【对】【方】【闹】【脾】【气】【的】【样】【子】，【开】【口】【道】：“【你】【也】【不】【要】【受】【伤】。” 【贺】【煜】【城】【勾】【起】【嘴】【角】，“【那】【你】【会】【不】【会】【想】【我】？” 【得】【寸】【进】【尺】。 【慕】【珏】【用】【力】【推】【开】【他】，【然】【后】【面】【无】【表】【情】【的】【抚】【平】【了】【身】【上】【的】【作】【战】【服】。 【贺】【煜】【城】【也】【没】【有】【气】【馁】，【毕】【竟】【这】【也】【算】【是】【两】【人】【在】【打】【斗】【之】【外】【有】【了】【第】【一】
“【真】【是】【的】，【咬】【的】【还】【真】【狠】，【都】【给】【我】【咬】【出】【牙】【印】【儿】【了】，【白】【给】【你】【吃】【榴】【莲】【了】。”【青】【丘】【龙】【看】【了】【看】【自】【己】【还】【有】【牙】【印】【儿】【的】【胳】【膊】，【这】【小】【丫】【头】【没】【说】【谎】【啊】，【那】【牙】【口】【是】【真】【好】【哇】！【要】【不】【是】【自】【己】【恢】【复】【力】【好】，【估】【计】【还】【冒】【血】【呢】。 【东】【方】【秦】【兰】【没】【有】【理】【会】【青】【丘】【龙】【的】【话】，【而】【是】【用】【手】【不】【停】【的】【摸】【着】【被】【自】【己】【咬】【出】【牙】【印】【儿】【的】【胳】【膊】。 “【真】【是】【奇】【了】【怪】【了】，【刚】【才】【明】【明】【是】【感】【觉】【到】【有】
【李】【铁】【与】【张】【春】【光】、【李】【彦】【霖】【出】【发】【去】【往】【镇】【守】【太】【监】【余】【苍】【山】【那】【儿】。 【李】【铁】【算】【是】【当】【了】【一】【回】【和】【事】【佬】。 【反】【正】【不】【知】【道】【李】【彦】【霖】【和】【余】【苍】【山】【两】【个】【人】【最】【后】【会】【不】【会】【真】【的】【和】【解】。 【但】【表】【面】【上】【看】【起】【来】【倒】【是】【和】【和】【气】【气】【的】，【都】【说】【不】【计】【前】【嫌】，【一】【定】【要】【通】【力】【合】【作】，【为】【振】【兴】【江】【南】【省】【而】【努】【力】…… 【李】【铁】【也】【只】【能】【做】【到】【这】【儿】【了】。 【不】【然】【还】【能】【怎】【么】【着】？ 【李】【彦】【霖】【肯】九龙老牌图库密码“【楚】【先】【生】【很】【想】【知】【道】【吗】？【你】【若】【是】【答】【应】【跟】【我】【们】【合】【作】，【或】【许】【我】【可】【以】【告】【诉】【你】”【山】【田】【眉】【头】【一】【挑】，【微】【微】【一】【笑】。 【纵】【使】【刚】【才】【那】【般】【动】【静】，【他】【脸】【上】【依】【旧】【不】【见】【丝】【毫】【惧】【意】，【还】【是】【一】【副】【胸】【有】【成】【竹】【的】【模】【样】。 【闻】【言】，【楚】【怀】【香】【摇】【头】【淡】【笑】，【抬】【头】【盯】【着】【他】【的】【眸】【子】“【其】【实】【有】【时】【候】【我】【真】【的】【很】【佩】【服】【你】【们】” “【哦】？【楚】【先】【生】【这】【话】【何】【意】？”【山】【田】【闻】【言】【一】【笑】。 “
“【都】【红】【成】【这】【样】【了】，【还】【不】【疼】【啊】。”【秦】【柔】【说】，“【正】【好】【饭】【也】【吃】【的】【差】【不】【多】【了】，【我】【们】【回】【房】【间】【吧】。” “【外】【婆】，【你】【要】【是】【不】【喜】【欢】【安】【可】，【大】【不】【了】【我】【们】【走】【就】【是】【了】。”【秦】【柔】【又】【补】【充】【了】【一】【句】，【然】【后】【拉】【着】【安】【可】【离】【开】【了】。 “【你】【也】【真】【是】【的】。”【秦】【嫦】【钰】【等】【两】【人】【走】【后】，【开】【了】【口】，“【非】【要】【闹】【得】【他】【俩】【不】【愉】【快】，【你】【才】【开】【心】【啊】。” “【孩】【子】【不】【听】【话】，【打】【两】【下】【怎】
“【是】【毛】【莹】【莹】！” 【毛】【莹】【莹】？ 【龙】【青】【阳】【住】【了】【手】，【摘】【下】【拳】【击】【手】【套】【扔】【在】【一】【边】：“【你】【会】【跟】【她】【约】？” 【李】【冬】【去】【饮】【水】【机】【接】【了】【两】【杯】【水】，【递】【给】【龙】【青】【阳】【一】【杯】：“【她】【住】【院】【期】【间】，【你】【不】【是】【给】【她】【找】【了】【护】【工】？【她】【要】【谢】【谢】【你】，【知】【道】【请】【不】【动】，【就】【让】【我】【代】【劳】【了】！” “【草】！【这】【也】【可】【以】【代】【劳】！”【龙】【青】【阳】【喝】【了】【口】【水】。 “【她】【请】【你】，【你】【去】？”【李】【冬】【撇】【嘴】，